租房买房买生意上iU91
楼主: 7Quebec
打印 上一主题 下一主题

年年六四,今又六四

[复制链接]   [推荐给好友]
121#
发表于 2009-6-4 11:39 | 只看该作者
他们也是人啊,人的嘴巴要吃饭。
Post by PPV;2257864
你还认为大学生在中国还是什么凤毛羚角吗?40%。已经不错了。
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

122#
发表于 2009-6-4 12:01 | 只看该作者
haha,精辟阿!!
Post by 7Quebec;2257758
现在, 海外靠吃中国政治饭也不是很容易了, 王丹不是不得不和脏毒搞到一起, 还因为从台湾拿不到钱, 而骂台湾民主倒退吗? MONTREAL的小娄罗更是见谁都骂騙子, 白痴, 脑残, 完全拨去了斯文, 民主的外衣.
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

123#
发表于 2009-6-4 13:33 | 只看该作者

这般民主人士怎能跟毛主席相比?

这种比较是对毛主席的侮辱
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

124#
发表于 2009-6-4 14:05 | 只看该作者

Canadian media articles of Today: June 4

CBC: China cracks down on 20th anniversary of Tiananmen Square protest

Vigil held in Hong Kong

Last Updated: Thursday, June 4, 2009 | 12:37 PM ET Comments85Recommend39

The Associated Press


Tens of thousands of people pack Hong Kong's Victoria Park for a candlelight vigil on Thursday. They were marking the 20th anniversary of the Chinese military's crackdown on pro-democracy activists in Tiananmen Square in Beijing. (Vincent Yu/Associated Press) Chinese police aggressively deterred dissent on Thursday's 20th anniversary of the crackdown on democracy activists in Tiananmen Square, amid calls by Hillary Clinton and even Taiwan's China-friendly president for Beijing to face up to the 1989 violence.
An exiled protest leader — famous for publicly haranguing one of China's top leaders 20 years ago — was also blocked from returning home to confront officials over what he called the "June 4 massacre."
Foreign journalists were barred from the square in Beijing as uniformed and plainclothes police stood guard across the vast plaza that was the epicentre of the student-led movement that was crushed by the military on the night of June 3-4, 1989. The exact death toll has never been released but the activist community says hundreds died in the crackdown.
Security officials checking passports also blocked foreign TV camera operators and photographers from entering the square to cover the raising of China's national flag, which happens at dawn every day.
Paramilitary soldiers patrol Thursday near the Tiananmen Gate, on the northern end of Tiananmen Square. (Elizabeth Dalziel/Associated Press) Plainclothes officers aggressively confronted journalists on the streets surrounding the square, cursing and threatening violence against them.
The repression on the mainland contrasted starkly with Hong Kong, where organizers said 150,000 people gathered in the city's famous Victoria Park. Police had no immediate crowd estimate.
A former British colony, the territory has retained its own legal system and open society since reverting to Chinese rule in 1997.
"It's time for China to take responsibility for the killings," said Kin Cheung, a 17-year-old Hong Kong student. "They need to tell the truth."
The heavy security on the mainland comes after government censors shut down social networking and image-sharing websites such as Twitter and Flickr, and blacked out foreign news channels such as CNN each time they aired stories about Tiananmen.
Dissidents were confined to their homes or forced to leave Beijing, part of sweeping efforts to prevent online debate or organized commemorations of the anniversary.
Former student leader denied entry

In another sign of the government's unwavering hardline stance toward the protests, the second most-wanted student leader from 1989 said he had been denied entry to the southern Chinese territory of Macau.
A man walks in Hong Kong's Victoria Park on Thursday. The poster behind him shows an iconic image from the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, of a lone activist blocking the advance of a column of tanks. (Vincent Yu/Associated Press) Wu'er Kaixi, in exile since fleeing China after the crackdown, travelled to Macau on Wednesday to turn himself in to authorities in a bid to return home.
He told The Associated Press by phone he was held overnight at the Macau airport's detention centre and that being denied entry on the Tiananmen anniversary was a "tragedy."
He returned to Taiwan later Thursday.
Wu'er rose to fame in 1989 as a pajama-clad hunger striker yelling at then-premier Li Peng at a televised meeting during the protests. Named No. 2 on the government's list of 21 most-wanted student leaders after the crackdown, he escaped and now lives in exile in the self-ruled island of Taiwan. An attempt to return home in 2004 was rebuffed when he was deported from the Chinese territory of Hong Kong.
Wu'er said in a statement issued through a friend that he wants to turn himself in to the Chinese authorities so he can visit his parents — who haven't been allowed to leave China.
The student leader who topped the most-wanted list, Wang Dan, was jailed for seven years before being expelled to the United States in 1998.
'Painful chapter in history must be faced'

In Washington, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said in a statement Wednesday that China, as an emerging global power, "should examine openly the darker events of its past and provide a public accounting of those killed, detained or missing, both to learn and to heal."
In a statement marking the anniversary, Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou urged China to lift the taboo on discussing the crackdown.
"This painful chapter in history must be faced. Pretending it never happened is not an option," Ma said in a statement issued Thursday.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang attacked Clinton's comments as a "gross interference in China's internal affairs."
"We urge the U.S. to put aside its political prejudice and correct its wrongdoing and refrain from disrupting or undermining bilateral relations," Qin said in response to a question at a regularly scheduled news briefing.
Qin refused to comment on the security measures — or even acknowledge they were in place. "Today is like any other day, stable," he said.
Dissidents under surveillance

Beijing has never allowed an independent investigation into the military's crushing of the protests, in which possibly thousands of students, activists and ordinary citizens were killed.
Young Chinese know little about the events, having grown up in a generation that has largely eschewed politics in favour of raw nationalism, wealth acquisition, and individual pursuits.
Authorities have been tightening surveillance of China's dissident community ahead of the anniversary, with some leading writers already under close watch or house arrest for months.
Ding Zilin, a retired professor and advocate for Tiananmen victims, said by telephone that a dozen officers have been blocking her and her husband from leaving their Beijing apartment.
In contrast to the repression on the mainland, tens of thousands of people were expected to attend an annual candlelight vigil in the former British colony of Hong Kong, which has maintained its own legal system and open society since reverting to Chinese rule in 1997.
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

125#
发表于 2009-6-4 14:11 | 只看该作者
The Globe and Mail: Tiananmen: two men, two countries, one tragedy

A Chinese protestor blocks a line of tanks, calling for an end to the violence and bloodshed against pro-democracy demonstrators at Tiananmen Square 20 years ago.

‘The emotional impact is still there and is still devastating'


Sonia Verma and Mark MacKinnon
Toronto, Beijing — From Thursday's Globe and Mail, Thursday, Jun. 04, 2009 09:08AM EDT

When dawn breaks on this June 4 day, a diminutive, middle-aged teacher named Professor Chen will quietly leave his new home in Beijing for a routine day at work.
In Toronto, a scruffy, slightly younger man named Leon Tuo will rise to an equally unremarkable day, at the Chinese-language daily where he works, hoping to go unnoticed.
The two men live half a world apart and will not speak, but each will hold the other close to his heart, their lives forever linked by the quiet but crucial roles they played in the dramatic events that unfolded in Tiananmen Square 20 years ago Thursday.
It's a bond that extended into self-imposed exile, spent largely in Canada, where they struggled to move on with their lives while coming to terms with their past.
From a distance, China marched on, but for them – and a handful of other witnesses who came to Canada – the clock stopped on June 4, 1989.
Back then, Mr. Chen was a professor of political science at Beijing University, locally known as Beida.
Mr. Tuo was his third-year student, a “typical teenager,” who spent his spare time listening to Hong Kong pop and dreamed of one day graduating into a government job to serve his country.

For The Globe and Mail
Leon Tuo poses for photos in Toronto, May 30, 2009. Twenty years ago he was a student at Beijing University and had a man die in his arms. Tom agreed to have his photo taken, on the condition that his identity is somewhat obscured. He is worried about a backlash from the pro-China community here, as well as consequences for his parents, who still live in Beijing.


On campus, the mood was already roiling. Students frequently took to the streets to vent frustration with the slow pace of China's political reform.
Escalating protests in 1987 triggered the fall of Hu Yaobang, the Communist Party chief, accused by other Politburo members of empathizing with the students calling for change.
At the time, Prof. Chen and Mr. Tuo kept their distance rather than risk their careers.
That changed when Mr. Hu died of a heart attack two years later and students poured into the streets to mourn.
Mr. Tuo, then 20, was one of the first to lay a white paper wreath at the foot of the Monument to the People's Heroes. Prof. Chen, then 35, visited the square between classes to advise his students as tensions grew.
At one point, he intervened to pull three of his students off their knees after they went to deliver a petition to Premier Li Peng and were rebuffed.
“That was the moment for me that it became something bigger,” recalled Mr. Tuo, dressed in jeans and a khaki jacket and blinking back tears in an east end Toronto coffee shop last week.
“We had been taught that students are the key to the country. Why were we being ignored?” he asked.
The Beida faculty's decision to remain uninvolved changed on April 26, when the state-run People's Daily newspaper ran an editorial that denounced the protesters as part of “a planned conspiracy” to sow disorder.
Angered, Prof. Chen and many of his colleagues joined the students in the square the next day for what would be one of the most triumphant moments of that spectacular spring – hundreds of thousands of protesters jamming the city's main boulevards in a peaceful show of defiance.
“Maybe there has been no demonstration of this kind in the history of the world,” Prof. Chen said, speaking Wednesday at a café near Renmin University in Beijing.
He and his fellow professors marched at the front, linking arms as if to protect the students behind them, including Mr. Tuo.
The students never returned to class. Prof. Chen joined the Tiananmen protests full-time, sleeping on the concrete ground for days on end.

“ I witnessed something that many young people [in China] don't even believe happened”

When his students announced they would go on a hunger strike, he bought them their last lunch. Mr. Tuo starved himself for 100 hours before he collapsed. Martial law was declared on May 19 and he returned to the square with the crowd.
On the morning of June 3, Prof. Chen left Tiananmen Square for the first time in more than 10 days. He wanted to go to see his parents – dyed-in-the-wool Communist Party members – to reassure them of his health and try to explain the protesters' actions.
When he arrived, he received news that a military vehicle had hit and killed three people near the square. Knowing how volatile the situation was, Prof. Chen headed back. On his way, the soft-spoken professor was kicked to the ground by a police officer when he tried to intervene in the arrest of a student.
Terrifying reports began pouring in from the surrounding neighbourhoods. “Some students came shouting, ‘They're killing They're using machine guns'“ he recalled.
“One of them showed me a wound on his hand, but I still didn't believe them because there was no reason for the army to shoot.”
Prof. Chen saw a line of soldiers kneeling and firing their rifles at random. He watched a young man nearby fall dead to the ground.
Mr. Tuo was standing on the sidelines. Four young men rushed toward him carrying another man, a teenager, limp and covered in blood.
“They gave this young man to me and I managed to stop a taxi and I took him in my arms to the hospital.”
“You just followed the blood to find the ER,” he said. “I was trying to find a bed for that young man. I could not even find a place on the floor. People were lying on the floor. I was not quite sure if they were dead or alive but you could hear the people crying, screaming for help and out of pain.”
The man in Mr. Tuo's arms was already dead. “It was my first time to be so close to a dead person and I was 20. I dare not touch him. I just hold his hand. … You could really feel a life just perish. I could feel his hands getting hard, getting cold. It's so real, it's so real. Even then, the blood still drip down. He died, and the blood still drip down. I do remember his face, even now.”
Mr. Tuo spent the night in the hospital, hoping to find the dead man's family. They never came. He returned to the square, where Prof. Chen had returned with thousands of others in a final show of defiance.
Shortly after midnight, loudspeakers around the city began blaring warnings for citizens to stay indoors or suffer the consequences. At 4 a.m., floodlights on the square suddenly switched on and soldiers came pouring out of the adjacent buildings.
“We weren't heroes, we were scared of death. But I had to be there because my students were there,” Prof. Chen said.
Eventually, the students agreed to withdraw peacefully from the square. But as they marched home in defeat along Changan Avenue, Prof. Chen saw seven people crushed to death under a tank.
“I witnessed something that many young people [in China] don't even believe happened,” he said.
Life returned to normal, at least on the surface. Mr. Tuo returned to The Beijing Children's Hospital every day for a week. A picture of the dead man's face was posted on the wall with a dozen anonymous others.
His body was never claimed, and was later collected by the city for disposal. “I assume his family will never know how he died or where he is,” Mr. Tuo says.
Prof. Chen was called in for interrogation a month later. University officials offered him a deal: Sign a statement that he regretted opposing the Communist Party and he could resume his teaching post.
Nearly all of his colleagues signed the bogus confessions to save their careers. Prof. Chen refused. When Mr. Tuo returned to class that October, Prof. Chen had already been purged.
The students were ordered to write essays denouncing the protesters, stating that the crackdown never happened.
Mr. Tuo complied, graduated, and took a marketing job with Sony. He never spoke of Tiananmen Square, but decided to quit China for Canada a few years later: “I could never feel at home after what happened,” he said.
A few years ago, in the lobby of a downtown Toronto hotel, he ran into his former teacher. More than 15 years had passed. He looked exactly the same.
Prof. Chen was a nightshift housekeeper. Mr. Tuo wept: “He was someone who had shared the most important days of my life.”
After he left China, Prof. Chen had earned a PhD in political science and a Master's degree in computer science from Texas A&M University. He couldn't find work, so when his student visa expired – he refused to seek refugee status in the United States – he decided to try his luck in Canada, settling with his wife in North York, juggling temporary jobs to make ends meet.
He had two children, and his entire family held Canadian citizenship, but the struggle to settle in Canada took its toll.
“The biggest difficulty in Canada is that it is hard for people to find jobs in their profession, not just for me, but for all immigrants,” he said.
Mr. Tuo also struggled, but in different ways. He found work as a journalist at the Toronto bureau of Sing Tao, a Chinese newspaper headquartered in Hong Kong.
For 20 years, he hid his involvement in the Tiananmen protests, fearing the powerful pro-China community in Canada would disown him, or that his family in Beijing would be targeted.
Prof. Chen also was silent. The only way he was able to escape the memories of June 4 was, in some ways, by returning to China.
His prime motivation for moving back was for his children to be educated in a more competitive environment.
“I don't think they can compete with Chinese children who study 12 hours a day, seven days a week,” Prof. Chen said, laughing.
Teaching again, this time at a private school, he marvels at how much has changed – at least on the surface.
“Twenty years ago, we couldn't sit here and drink coffee in a café like this,” he said, sitting at an Italian-style café in the same neighbourhood as Beijing University.
The professor is, at heart, still the dissident who stood shoulder to shoulder with his students 20 years ago. He rails against how students today lack the ideals of a generation ago, and challenges the government's assertion that the Tiananmen crackdown, messy as it was, has somehow paved the way for two decades of runaway economic growth.
“You cannot draw the conclusion that from the crackdown, we got faster economic growth. Maybe with more political reforms we would have an even better situation. The ends cannot justify the means,” he says.
However, his days of trying to change China are over. He may live in Beijing at the moment, but he gave up his Chinese passport years ago and considers himself a Canadian now.
Meanwhile in Toronto, his former student, Mr. Tuo, remains a haunted man. His feelings are more acute and complex than friends and relatives who remained in China, he says, as if frozen in time.
“I cannot enjoy the summer until June 4. I am amazed to find out that the emotional impact is still there and is still devastating,” he said.
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

126#
发表于 2009-6-4 14:12 | 只看该作者
我自己家庭的加拿大移民生活至少目前是幸福的,也不担心收入。中国的崛起真的就如你所言了?普通老百姓有饭吃和中国的崛起应该都重要,请不要说老百姓不缺钱。如果政府数据是真的,那大学生都有约60%没工作,更不用说其他群体了,这些人是真正的人啊。愿上帝能给这些人一点关爱。
Post by PPV;2257977
人人有饭吃、有衣穿、有体面的工作,这也是我的理想。
我也知道,这不现实。在保证就业方面,中国政府已经做了很大努力了。当然,在社会保障体系上,中国不能和加拿大比。但是,就算的是拥有“完善”社保加拿大,也不能保证人人享受完全平等的保障。看看加拿大失业的人群中,哪些人的比例最高?那些新移民中,不乏受过良好教育、拥有良好工作技能的人,他们的工种和收入又如何呢?

人人都会提出问题,但并非人人都有解决问题的能力
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

127#
发表于 2009-6-4 14:22 | 只看该作者
Tiananmen anniversary: China's democracy deferred

Peter Goodspeed, National Post  Published: Friday, May 29, 2009

Twenty years after hundreds, possibly thousands, of students died in Tiananmen Square, democracy is still a dream in China. In a country booming with cellphones, televisions and a growing middle class, pro-democracy rallies have been replaced by political apathy, reports Peter Goodspeed.

Tiananmen Square lies at a crossroads of history, between Mao Zedong's Mausoleum and the imperial Forbidden City's Gate of Heavenly Peace.
Twenty years ago, it held the savage revulsion of a fatal car wreck.
Days after the trauma of the Tiananmen massacre, in which soldiers and tanks crushed China's pro-democracy movement, the roads around the square were re-opened to the public, and I joined thousands of curious Chinese cyclists in slowly circling the massacre site.
Tank tracks scarred the asphalt on Changan Avenue (the Avenue of Eternal Peace) just north of the square and combat troops, armed with rifles, stood guard at intervals all around the perimeter.
Armoured personnel carriers were parked behind bushes in front of the National History Museum and soldiers milled about buses behind the Great Hall of the People.
But the cloud of cyclists slowly circling Tiananmen Square like a flock of wary birds did so in sullen silence.
Beijing was a frightened city then, swept by waves of political arrests and a chilling new propaganda campaign that flatly denied anyone but the dissidents were to blame for the terror that had so recently rattled China.
As I made my third or fourth circuit of the square on my rented Flying Pigeon bicycle, I could sense the tension and uncertainty of cyclists around me. I became increasingly aware of the grim-faced soldiers who stood all along the road, coldly staring at us.
Approaching the National History Museum, just alongside the Monument to the Peoples' Heroes, where the Tiananmen student protestors had camped out for seven weeks with their Goddess of Democracy statue and vague demands for political reform, I locked eyes with a soldier as he stood guard on the now-empty square.
In an instant there was a mutual instinctive recognition of anger and loathing.
We engaged in a brief unflinching stare-down that ended abruptly as I neared the soldier with our eyes still riveted angrily on each other.
He simply squeezed the trigger on his rifle while staring me down with a sneer.
There was obviously no bullet in his weapon, but the loud click of his rifle needed no translation either.
Anger and resentment were everywhere in China in those days. But they generally went unexpressed. Not since the tumultuous days of Mao's Cultural Revolution had the atmosphere of fear and repression been so strong.
Most of China's leading intellectuals had gone into hiding or abandoned public life out of a sense of self-preservation. Most foreign businessmen and tourists had fled.
Earlier, I had cycled slowly through the grey dusty hutongs off Dongsi Bei Street, just north of the Forbidden City, and the same sullen silence hung over the small brick working-class homes.
The area had been one of the strongest sources of grassroots support for the Tiananmen Square protestors. On the night of the massacre, people had rushed shouting from their homes to try and stop the army from advancing on the student demonstrators.
But, when I toured the hutongs, the walls of the houses, stores and public toilets were plastered with black and white martial law posters announcing the banning of independent student groups and trade unions or advising people to inform on suspicious neighbours or family members who might be counter-revolutionaries.
That neighbourhood was partially redeveloped during Beijing's rush to spruce up for last summer's Olympics. A new fresh veneer of prosperity and economic ambition has supplanted the political discontent of 1989.
In the process the Tiananmen massacre has been shrouded in silence.
Chinese textbooks do not mention the event; Chinese censors block all Internet references to it and government officials forbid any mention of it in the news media.
The Chinese government simply denies it happened. It insists on calling the massacre an "incident" or "political disturbance" instigated by "counter-revolutionary hooligans."
To date there has never been an official death toll or public accounting of the dead. In 1995, when a former Tiananmen protester, Li Hai, tried to compile a list of those killed and arrested, he was sentenced to nine years in prison for "divulging state secrets."
Beijing's reaction to the Tiananmen protests transformed China. Immediately after the massacre there were widespread arrests to suppress protestors and their supporters. Tens of thousands were jailed; government control of the media was tightened.
Dissidents, activists and intellectuals are now constantly monitored. There is little room for public protest. Even parents who lost children in last year's Sichuan earthquake were bullied and detained for protesting about shoddily built schools.
Last Dec.10, on the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human rights, nearly 2,000 Chinese intellectuals joined veteran activist Liu Xiaobo in signing a charter appealing for more openness and political competition in China.
Mr. Liu and a handful of other "Charter 08" leaders were immediately detained and have yet to be released.
"The government's ongoing efforts to censor history, crush dissent, and harass survivors, stands in stark contrast to the impressive economic and social developments in China in recent decades," says Sophie Richardson, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch.
"The Chinese government should recognize that 20 years of denial and repression have only caused the wounds of Tiananmen to fester, not heal."
After Tiananmen, China's leaders offered their people an unspoken contract in which they ruthlessly enforced their political authority, while promising economic growth without any political rights.
No economy on earth has been transformed so thoroughly in so little time. Living standards have more than quadrupled, class struggle has been replaced by modernization, and there are now more cellphones, colour televisions and cars in China than there were ever Little Red Books under Mao.
But the shadow of Tiananmen Square lingers.
"Although the Chinese Communist Party has tried to build up its public support on the basis of economic growth, social harmony and nationalism, one party rule will always have to struggle with the issue of legitimacy," warns Li Cheng, a scholar at the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C.
Two decades of stunning economic growth have unleashed entirely new forces that are recasting relations between the state and society in China. The dynamics of leadership have changed; new business elites have arisen; demands for the rule of law are growing; the news media is commercialized; and the new and expanding middle class is more demanding.
But China's recent economic success also threatens to destabilize the government. The recent global economic crisis has sent exports plummeting, seen tens of millions of migrant workers lose their factory jobs and threatened university graduates with joblessness.
China has enough economic clout to float its own $580-billion stimulus package and still has an impressive $1.9-trillion in foreign exchange reserves. But economic uncertainty may easily lead to political instability.
"The conventional wisdom is that low growth will erode the party's political legitimacy and fuel social unrest as jobless migrants and college graduates vent their frustrations through riots and protests," says Minxin Pei, of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
"Strong economic performance has been the single most important source of legitimacy for the CCP [Chinese Communist Party], so prolonged economic stagnation carries the danger of disenchanting a growing middle class that was lulled into political apathy by the prosperity of the post Tiananmen years."
National Post
pgoodspeed@nationalpost.com


Close
Presented by




                                #comment_top {                                        border-top: #ccc 1px solid;                                }                                #commentform-narrow {                                        margin-top: 2px;                                }                                #recent-comments {                                        margin-top: 29px;                                }
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

128#
发表于 2009-6-4 15:24 | 只看该作者
你咋知道中华民族的自救就没希望?讲真话真的就那么难?在加拿大谋生真的不难。
Post by PPV;2258056
那么,请你给出一个解决方案吧。向上帝祈祷吗?
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

129#
发表于 2009-6-4 15:38 | 只看该作者
Post by Montreal514;2257884
毛泽东的弟弟、妹妹、妻子、儿子都为了他们的事业牺牲了!

你有本事去试试??

你有勇气为了“民主”牺牲你的家人吗?



毛澤東也害死了數以千萬計的中國人,不能比的.
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

130#
发表于 2009-6-4 16:32 | 只看该作者
如果你认为你讲的是真话,那就是你的真话了。
Post by PPV;2258108
我从来就没说过:中华民族的自救就没希望。
我也没说过:讲真话真的就那么难。
这两句话是你说的。

我也不敢说“在加拿大谋生真的不难”这样的话,因为我自己的生活状况不能代表其它人。还因为我的经验告诉我,说这样的话最终会自己打自己的嘴。
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

您需要登录后才可以回帖 登录 | 免费注册

本版积分规则

Copyright © 1999 - 2024 by Sinoquebec Media Inc. All Rights Reserved 未经许可不得摘抄  |  GMT-4, 2024-9-22 01:28 , Processed in 0.051058 second(s), 35 queries .